The paper discusses the philosophical and historical doctrine of the Russian philosopher and historian George Petrovich Fedotov. The author focuses on the analysis of imperial issues in the works of G.P. Fedotov, especially of his views on the cultural history of the Russian empire and the essence of imperial project in Russia. Fedotov reconsiders the historical experience and revolutionary catastrophe of Russia and searches for the foundations of the social and cultural processes determining the events of Russian history. Fedotov’s (...) works offer a variety of interpretations of the political and cultural phenomenon of empire. This reflects his evolution as a philosopher of history: the focus of his vision shifts from the Medieval Rus to the Empire of Peter the Great, then to the collapsed empire of Nicholas II and finally to the USSR. Fedotov’s concept of Empire evolves into a timeless cultural-philosophical phenomenon but originates from the historical description of the centralization of power in the feudal monarchy of Ivan the Terrible. The evolution of the philosophical and historical views of Fedotov is influenced by the changes of his attitude to the historical conception of Klyuchevsky. In the 1940s Fedotov considers the empire as a universal idea. The concept of empire proposed by Fedotov gives an understanding of the Russian historical development, especially the causes of the decline and fall of the Russian Empire. Fedotov associates the cause of the salvation of Russia with the study of ancient Russian culture, in which he founds a moral and political ideal of the “Republic of Saint Sophia.” The paper shows heuristic potential of Fedotov’s cultural and philosophical ideas on the vocation of spiritual elite and the creative role of personality in the process of nation-building. (shrink)

Gatchel, R. H. The evolution of the concept.--Wilson, J. Indoctrination and rationality.--Green, T. F. Indoctrination and beliefs.--Kilpatrick, W. H. Indoctrination and respect for persons.--Atkinson, R. F. Indoctrination and moral education.--Flew, A. Indoctrination and doctrines.--Moore, W. Indoctrination and democratic method.--Wilson, J. Indoctrination and freedom.--Flew, A. Indoctrination and religion.-- White, J. P. Indoctrination and intentions.--Crittenden, B. S. Indoctrination as mis-education.--Snook, I. A. Indoctrination and moral responsibility.--Gregory, I. M. M. and Woods, R. G. Indoctrination: inculcating doctrines.-- White, J. P. Indoctrination without doctrines?

We present a study of the linguistic output of the German-speaking writer Robert Walser using Natural Language Processing (NLP). We curated a corpus comprising texts written by Walser during periods of sound health, and writings from the year before his hospitalization, and writings from the first year of his stay in a psychiatric clinic, all likely attributed to schizophrenia. Within this corpus, we identified and analyzed a total of 20 linguistic markers encompassing established metrics for lexical diversity, semantic similarity, and (...) syntactic complexity. Additionally, we explored lesser-known markers such as lexical innovation, concreteness, and imageability. Notably, we introduced two additional markers for phonological similarity for the first time within this context. Our findings reveal significant temporal dynamics in these markers closely associated with Walser’s contemporaneous diagnosis of schizophrenia. Furthermore, we investigated the relationship between these markers, leveraging them for classification of the schizophrenic episode. (shrink)

ABSTRACT In this article I confront and criticize the widespread tendency to ignore, marginalize, or dismiss without serious consideration Nietzsche's psychological hypothesis that a “will to power” is the major motivator of human behavior. I begin by separating Nietzsche's psychological hypothesis from both his occasional cosmological extension of it into an account of all processes in the world and from his power-based theory of value. And I argue that, since the psychological thesis does not depend on the cosmological extension, is (...) more fundamental to Nietzsche's overall project, and is much better supported by Nietzsche's argument, it deserves to be seriously considered on its own merits. Then, I critically consider Robert Solomon's attempts to deny any value at all to the will to power as a general motivational hypothesis and to reinterpret Nietzsche's theory of the will to power in a way that ignores what Nietzsche actually says about it and, moreover, radically undermines its significance. (shrink)

While agreeing with Bernard Reginster that Nietzsche's advocacy of the will to power as a psychological thesis is much more fundamental than his extension of it as a cosmological or metaphysical thesis, I criticize him for failing to support this interpretation, and I attempt to supply an analysis that does support it. Then, I take issue with the common tendency to sanitize Nietzsche's theory of the will to power, to make it more palatable—and with Reginster's treatment of this issue. This (...) leads me to an examination of Nietzsche's conception of power—and a critique of Reginster's account of it. (shrink)

In a attempt to get around a certain misunderstanding that prevents us from seeing the similarities between Alain Badiou’s theory of the subject and the Wertkritik (or critique of value), we try to point out how in these two conceptual approaches there is an absolute refusal of the capitalist system. In order to do so, it was necessary to elucidate how the resumptions of Marx’s thought that are materialized, in one case, in the theorization carried out by Badiou and, in (...) the other, by the critique of value, although they do not coincide with each other, do not truly prescribe an exclusion of each other. (shrink)

The article deals with the financing of investment projects by the World Bank, especially the rehabilitation of hydropower plants. It is noted that cooperation with Ukraine World Bank launched since 1992. The World Bank develops and finances projects at the request of the Government of Ukraine. After evaluating the project and the terms of the loan are following the negotiations, the approval of the Board of Directors and the signing of the agreement. The funds of the World Bank in Ukraine (...) are on the system of financing and investment projects. The content system projects is to change the conditions and rules of certain sectors of the public administration or industries. The aim of the investment projects is the technical reconstruction of some existing businesses a particular industry or region, creating new companies or provide funds to replenish the working capital of enterprises. This clearly defined list of goods, services and works to be procured through the World Bank loan. The paper conclusions on the results of the project of rehabilitation of hydropower plants. SuccessinitiatedenergyreforminUkraineislargelydeterminedbytheefficiencyoftheinvestmentpolicy, including attracting loans from international financial organizations. On receipt of credit, including the World Bank, depend on the possibility of upgrading technologically obsolete and worn-out fixed assets of the energy sector and problems olving reduce country's energy dependence, improve energy efficiency and reduce the impact on the environment. In turn Hydropower Rehabilitation project funding by the World Bank Ukraine will ensure uninterrupted operation of hydropower plants and have a positive impact on the environmental and energy security. (shrink)

How do we relate globalisation to other types of mondialisation, such as communications and economics? The answer should be: any globalisation should be motivated by the general interest of humanity and striving to that aim. In practice, this means that international protection of human rights and environmental rights need not only jurisdictional but also, above all, ethical standards. Without it, a conflict between different types of globalisation could become damaging, almost dangerous. The very idea of the global village that has (...) so well explained the phenomenon of mondialisation can assist in solving the problems that need to be addressed. One of the features of each village is the intense connection among the inhabitants. That phenomenon is now present globally, which is the essence of globalisation. That implies a global responsibility that must be implemented on the one hand by communities and the other by individuals, especially those who serve in the service of community — politicians. The crucial question arises, “How to define the responsibility of one and the others?” It is evident that at the top of the pyramid, there are major planetary problems whose solutions require the cooperation of all nations and countries. The straightforward phrase “Think globally, act locally”, expresses the rule of the fundamental game of the global world and its diversity — a possible ethic of sustainable development. (shrink)

This article investigates three things: (1) what development might be, (2) how development and ethics might be related, and (3) what an ethics of development might look like. First, I show how if we move away from an essentialist metaphysics of being to a possibilist-functionalist metaphysics of becoming in our understanding of development, we can reconceptualize ethics as self-directed ontogeny. Thus, ethics turns out to be a part of development. Secondly, I sketch out the possibility of an ethics of development, (...) showing how it should be based on three desiderata: (1) sustainability, promoting the long-term existence of the maximum human and non-human biodiversity, (2) democracy, promoting human-human relationships that are bidirectional and, to the extent possible, non-imposing, and (3) non-ethnocentrism, promoting true modernity; a modernity not predicated on a non-existent abstract universality but on concrete syncretism. The ultimate aim of this ethics of development is the optimization of individual and collective subjectivity and agency across time. (shrink)

ABSTRACT Neurath’s scientific utopianism is the proposal that the social sciences should engage in the elaboration, development, and comparison of counterfactual scenarios, the ‘utopias’. Such scenarios can be understood as centerpieces of scientific thought experiments, that is, in exercises of imagination that not only promote conceptual revision, but also stimulate creativity to deal with experienced problems, as utopias are efforts to imagine what the future could look like. Moreover, utopian thought experiments can offer scientific knowledge to inform political debates and (...) decisions, contributing to the shaping of society. This essay reconstructs a historical event as an example of Neurath’s utopianist methodology. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, a scientific and political commission appointed by the Western German Parliament devised and compared four scenarios for future energetic-economic policies. Conclusions of the commission informed political decisions that put Western (later reunified) Germany in a route towards becoming a green industrial power. A fundamental part of the commission’s work involved an appeal to imagination, allowing for the characterization under Neurath’s methodology. (shrink)

Recent anti-governmental social movements in countries of former Yugoslavia have awakened the spirit of contention which had been dormant for almost two decades. The overwhelming economic deprivation, accompanied by the massive violation of basic human rights of the citizens, urged the challengers to take the streets.This paper is focused on comparison of two movements, the “Citizens for Macedonia” movement in the Republic of Macedonia and the “Bosnian Spring” in Bosnia and Herzegovina, highlighting the role and influence of movements on the (...) occurrence of policy outputs which articulated claims put forward by social movement organizations as well as other movement actors in the two respective countries. The analysis will be conducted taking into consideration specific social movement related variables like forms/types of claims-making and repertoires of action, as well as wider political process factors such as repression by state actors, and the attitude of allies and opponents of the movements.Regarding the methodological approach, we will apply a mixed comparative research design, with variation both on side of the independent and the dependent variables. Since the outcomes of the movements are already tangible, we will also apply elements of process tracing methodology, reconstructing the events as much as possible. My primary data collection tools encompass in-depth interviews with four specific categories of interviewees as well as thorough document analysis referring to the policy outputs. (shrink)

"This book proposes the model of the 'ethical teacher' - one who understands both the moral purpose of education and the importance of viewing the process of teaching as basically ethical in nature." --book cover.

I argue that, after Dewey, Peters was the first modern philosopher of education to write material (in English) that was both philosophically respectable and relevant to the day-to-day concerns of teachers. Since then, some philosophers of education have remained (more or less) relevant but not really respectable while others have ?taken off into the skies? learning acclaim from the philosophical community but ceasing to produce anything which would be of any relevance to teachers in their work. I suggest that Peters (...) might again point the way towards a form of academic philosophy of education that is both relevant and reasonably respectable. (shrink)

After unsuccessful attempts to form Liberal-Socialist and tripartite cabinets, another center-left cabinet was made. It was the first cabinet headed by Flemish Christian-Democratjean-Luc Dehaene. Not commanding a two-thirds majority in Parliament, the constitutional reform agenda was referred to a community-to-community dialogue which resulted in an overall constitutional reform agreement concluded in the fall.Not much action was taken on the budget deficit, and the cabinet's reliance on new taxes led to tension inside the coalition, with the CVP insisting on additional spending (...) cuts. Labor and management reached agreement on a 1993-94 national inter-industry accord for the private sector.The cabinet decided to abolish conscription, and the armed farces were involved in UN-sponsored peacekeeping missions in ex-Yugoslavia and Somalia.In Parliament, there was a large majority in favor of the Maastricht Treaty. (shrink)

In 1996, Belgian politics centered around three major issues: the jobs contract, the 1997 budget and political fallout of the Dutroux affair.During the first months of the year, Prime Minister Dehaene attempted to win support for a comprehensive jobs contract, but the draft agreement was turned down by the Socialist trade union militants. Nevertheless, the measures contained in the agreement were later implemented by the cabinet, without the consent of the employers and organized labor. Together with adjustments made to the (...) social security system and implementation of budgetary measures needed to reach the conditions set by the EU for joining the Economic and Monetary Union, the jobs contract was implemented by means of special powers. The cabinet obtained these special powers from Parliament before the summer recess. After the summer, as a result ofthe Dutroux alfair, the cabinet dealt with legal reform, in the process trying to quell tensions arisen among the law enforcement agencies. (shrink)

Whereas the Belgian politica! world had planned a calm transitional political year leading to the January 1992 general elections, 1991 was a year of political turmoil resulting in the resignation of the cabinet and genera! elections. The Martens VIII cabinet had planned to implement the third and final phase of its constitutional reform package. However, in the fall tension rapidly rose inside the cabinet. White the majority parties were positioning themselves for the next elections, a row over arms sale licences (...) caused the fall of the cabinet. First the Volksunie left, but only a few days later Prime Minister Martens had to submit the resignation of bis cabinet. In the ensuing genera! electiOns, all the traditional parties lost ground except PW and the losses were particularly severe for the Flemish Christian Democrats and the Flemish Socialists. Winners were the ultra-right Vlaams Blok in Flanders and the ecologists in Francophone Belgium. (shrink)

In 1990, Belgium's domestic political agenda was overshadowed by international events. Developments in Zaire, Rwanda and especially in the Gulf often forced Belgian political leaders to set aside their domestic preoccupations. On the pending constitutional reform issues no substantial progress was made. At the end of 1990, many bills dealing with economic issues awaited parliamentary approval. In the fall, labor and management reached a nationwide inter-industry collective bargaining agreement and a new pension bill was adopted by Parliaiment.

The center-left Martens VIII cabinet, which had taken office in May 1988 following the longest political cricis in Belgian history, continued in 1989 implementation of its constitutional reform program. The European elections had no domestic impact, but during the campaign the focus was once again on the burning immigration issue. Meanwhile, abortion liberalization caused tension inside the majority. In foreign affairs, the focus was on normalization of relations with Zaire.

This article examines the contributions made towards eugenic thought in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries by Havelock Ellis . Ellis was a significant social reformer who worked on the problems of sexuality from a scientific–naturalist secular perspective. In the later phases of his work, after he had completed much of his writing on sexuality, Ellis concentrated on issues of feminism and eugenics—problems he thought were interlinked. In this paper, I integrate his ideas about these subjects, and consider the (...) ways in which Ellis and other liberal social reformers created a ‘eugenic subject’ in order to frame their arguments about social problems. (shrink)

Endosomes, which comprise a diverse population of membrane vesicles and tubules, sort proteins and lipids to various cellular destinations. The organization and functions of these pleiomorphic cellular organelles have been extensively studied. Matsuo et al.1 now provide new exciting evidence on the role of lysobiphosphatidic acid (LBPA), a resident phospholipid of internal vesicles of the late endosome, in the control of membrane invagination and endosome biogenesis. In vivo, LBPA functions are controlled by the adaptor protein Alix and depend on pH (...) gradients along the endosomal compartments. BioEssays 26:604–607, 2004. © 2004 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. (shrink)

Soluble components of Notch signalling can be applied to manipulate a central pathway essential for the development of metazoans and often deregulated in illnesses such as stroke, cancer or cardiovascular diseases. Commonly, the Notch cascade is inhibited by small compound inhibitors, which either block the proteolysis of Notch receptors by γ‐secretases or interfere with the transcriptional activity of the Notch intracellular domain. Specific antibodies can also be used to inhibit ligand‐induced activation of Notch receptors. Alternatively, naturally occurring endogenous inhibitors of (...) Notch signalling might offer a specific way to block receptor activation. Examples are the soluble variants of the canonical Notch ligand Jagged1 and the non‐canonical Notch ligand Dlk1, both deprived of their transmembrane regions upon ectodomain shedding, or the bona fide secreted molecule EGFL7. We present frequently used methods to decrease Notch signalling, and we discuss how soluble Notch inhibitors may be used to treat diseases. (shrink)